Republica
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Tillerson in India to highlight US strategy in South Asia

NEW DELHI, Oct 25: Combating terrorism and India’s role in war-torn Afghanistan dominated talks between U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and his Indian counterpart Wednesday as Tillerson highlighted the Trump administration’s new strategy for South Asia.

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सम्बन्धित सामग्री

US Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu concluding South Asia trip with visit to Nepal

Khabarhub English 1 महिना पहिले

South Asia At Sixes And Sevens

South Asia is getting further disturbed, thereby raising levels of public concerns in the region and beyond. And it is not just because of longstanding animosity between India and Pakistan. Events in Afghanistan that led to withdrawal of US forces have accentuated these trends, particularly after the Taliban takeover. Lately, it is Sri Lanka which has been radiating distress signals in the vicinity.

The Rising Nepal जेष्ठ २०७९

2+2 talks: How India and US agreed to differ on Ukraine war

APRIL 12: Days before their meeting, Mr Biden had called India's stand "somewhat shaky" and one US official had warned that India had been informed that the consequences of a "more explicit strategic alignment" with Moscow would be "significant and long-term". But India stood firm in its stand despite what appeared to be growing pressure from the US. Delhi continued to promote dialogue to end the war. It didn't criticise Russia directly but chose some strong words about the need to respect the sovereignty of each nation. In that backdrop, the leaders' summit - which was not planned and was requested by the White House - is significant for geopolitical developments. It was followed by the planned annual 2+2 Dialogue between Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and their US counterparts Antony Blinken and Lloyd Austin in Washington. It's evident from the statements that both sides have shown willingness to understand each other's positions on Ukraine. Pratyush Rao, director for South Asia at Control Risks consultancy, said the visit came at a sensitive time for the relationship. "This was a visible reaffirmation at the highest levels by both sides to the bilateral relationship, amidst all the media speculation about deepening strains over the Ukraine conflict. The message was, yes we do differ on Russia and will unlikely bridge the gap, but won't allow it to derail wider co-operation in the Indo-Pacific either," he added. While PM Modi and his ministers reaffirmed their stated policy of non-alignment on Ukraine, Mr Biden and his ministers appeared more understanding of Delhi's position - a marked shift from some earlier strong statements of Washington officials. Mr Blinken said India "has to make its own decisions about how it approaches this challenge". He also noted that India had issued strong statements at the UN and it had called for an independent investigation into the killings of civilians in Ukraine's Bucha. In a candid remark, he said "India's relationship with Russia has developed over decades at a time when the United States was not able to be a partner to India". He added that "times have changed" and the US was willing to be a partner of choice with India across virtually every realm - commerce, technology, education, and security. Former Indian diplomat Anil Triguniyat said this statement showed that the US has understood India's position in a broader geopolitical context. "Both sides have too much to lose if the bilateral relations are strained. Their relationship is rich and the meetings just reaffirmed that," he added. Beyond Ukraine, the two sides also reaffirmed their commitment in continuing co-operation in the Indo-Pacific, and also in the trade, defence and security sectors. The US said it saw India as "a net provider of security in the region". "China is seeking to refashion the region and the international system more broadly in ways that serve its interests," Mr Blinken said. Both the US and India agree on playing a bigger role in the region to counterbalance China's growing influence. India has a long disputed boundary with China. Their troops were involved in deadly clashes in the Galwan valley in 2020 that resulted in the deaths of 20 Indian soldiers. China said later it lost four troops in the clash. Mr Jaishankar acknowledged that the Quad - which includes India, the US, Japan and Australia - had emerged as "a powerful force for global good" and its "elevation benefits the entire Indo-Pacific". Mr Rao said India reposing its faith in the Quad was significant. Russia, India's time-tested ally, has criticised the Quad and called it a forum to target China. Both Moscow and Beijing have become closer and often jointly taken stands against the West. In that context, Mr Rao said that the Indian foreign minister's public and unequivocal endorsement of the Quad was important and will likely resonate among his audience in Washington. Defence ties Washington also acknowledged that Russia is India's biggest defence supplier - accounting for more than 50% of its imports. In contrast, the US was India's second-largest supplier between 2011 and 2015 after Russia, but fell behind France and Israel in the period between 2016 and 2021. Former Indian diplomat JN Misra said India continued to import from Russia because it got better and cheaper deals and tech know-how in some areas. "The US needs to give commitment on technology transfer to be able to get a bigger chunk of India's defence imports pie," he said. Defence Minister Singh talked about PM Modi's "Make in India" campaign and invited US defence companies to set up shop in India. But there hasn't been any big-ticket announcement on this. However, a significant measure was announced about the two countries jointly developing air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles. "More such measures are needed to address India's defence needs and help it in reducing its reliance on Moscow," Mr Misra added. But the crucial issue of India's acquisition of Russia's S-400 missile defence system remains unsolved. The purchase has come under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (Caatsa), which was introduced in 2017 to target Russia, Iran and North Korea with economic and political sanctions. It also prohibits any country from signing defence deals with these nations. Mr Blinken said the "US had not made a determination regarding potential sanctions or potential waivers under the CAATSA law". There was also a veiled suggestion to India when Mr Blinken said the US was asking countries to avoid major new transactions for Russian weapons systems. Mr Triguniyat says the ambiguity over the S-400 showed that the US wanted to keep its options open but it doesn't want to rock the boat at the moment. It's clear that there is a lot more ground to cover for the US to replace Moscow as India's largest defence supplier. Meanwhile, Mr Blinken also talked about India's human rights record, saying the US was "monitoring some recent concerning developments in India, including a rise in human rights abuses by some government, police, and prison officials". The Indian ministers didn't respond to this but analysts say Democrats, including former president Obama, have raised such issues in the past. The statement may have caused discomfort to Indians but analysts say its unlikely that the issue will become a major irritant in the relationship. Energy and trade Indian companies have been trying to circumvent sanctions to take advantage of the discounted oil prices being offered by Russian firms. When this question was put to Mr Jaishankar, he denied that India was ramping up its oil imports from Russia. "I suspect, looking at the figures, probably our total purchases [from Russia] for the month would be less than what Europe does in an afternoon. So you might want to think about that," he said. The US has steadily increased its export of crude oil and refined petroleum products to India - accounting for 15% of India-US trade, which stood at $113bn in 2021. The two countries believe that there is vast potential to take the bilateral trade to $500bn in the future. The two sides announced a series of measures, including restarting the US-India Commercial Dialogue and the US-India CEO Forum, to improve trade ties. With inputs from BBC

Ratopati English फाल्गुन २०७८

Except for India, Nepal’s Binod Chaudhary becomes only billionaire in South Asia

KATHMANDU, April 6: Nepal's senior industrialist Binod Chaudhary has become the only billionaire in South Asia apart from India by increasing his wealth by 100 million US dollars.

Republica फाल्गुन २०७८

Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal Need China in their Development Process

Ratopati English पौष २०७८

Bangladesh Needs Both The USA And China

Bangladesh needs both the USA and China. Now, Bangladesh and the Bay of Bengal get attention from world powers. US, UK, China, India and Japan have focused their attention on South Asia, Bangladesh and ‘Bay of Bengal’. US has shifted its policy from ‘Asia Pacific’ towards ‘Indo Pacific’ to counter China’s ‘BRI’. Both parties want […] The post Bangladesh Needs Both The USA And China appeared first on Aarthiknews:: A leading business & economic news portal from Nepal.

Aarthik News English पौष २०७८

Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative, first announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, has since developed into a global movement that is causing ripples around the globe. The BRI links three continents: Europe, Africa, and Asia via land and the Indian Ocean. Its major states are in South Asia, the intersection point where the continental "belt" meets the maritime "road," and it runs from Eurasia to Africa. Approximately 126 countries and 29 foreign organizations have signed 174 BRI partnership documents to date. Since the initiative's commencement in 2013, trade volumes between China and participating countries have surpassed $6 trillion, with over $80 billion invested. 300,000 new jobs have been generated. The Belt and Road Initiative looks to be a focus for the Chinese government in terms of creating strong international relationships and policy, rather than solely an economic venture. If accomplished, BRI transportation projects may cut travel times along economic corridors by 12%, improve commerce by 2.7 to 9.7%, raise income by up to 3.4 percent, and elevate 7.6 million people out of poverty. China has emerged as a ray of hope for South Asian countries as a stable development partner to complement their development needs at a time when the global economy is slowing and Western donor funding is declining. This has gradually strengthened their economic relations with China, enabling them to continue to grow and expand. South Asia has come out as a precedence area for BRI as South Asia is the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. China’s Belt and Road Initiative in South Asia includes four subprojects: China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM), the Trans-Himalaya Corridor, and China’s cooperation with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives under the 21st century Maritime Silk Road. BRI’s most up-and-coming project—the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)—runs through South Asia, and BRI’s most critical country, India, is also located in South Asia. This connection allows China to minimize its reliance on shipping via Singapore and the Melaka Straits, while Pakistan benefits from infrastructure and industrial growth, along with a telecommunications network. During the 2015/16 Indian blockade, Nepal realized the importance of diversifying its commercial and transportation connectivity with China. The Memorandum of Understanding was described as the most significant effort in the history of bilateral ties, heralding a new era of cross-border connectivity between the two countries. Under BRI, Nepal has been offered access to China's four major ports in order to minimize Nepal's excessive dependence on India. This effort is regarded as one of the most enthusiastic infrastructure undertakings ever devised. With such compelling potential, Nepal could not have stayed silent. Nepal formally joined the BRI on May 12, 2017, five years after its inception, adding another vital strand to the amicable ties between the two countries. Both Nepal and China have identified nine projects: upgrading the Rasuwagadhi-Kathmandu road; construction of the Kimathanka-Hile road; road construction from Dipayal to the Chinese border; the Tokha-Bidur road; the Galchhi-Rasuwagadhi-Kerung 400kv transmission line; the Kerung-Kathmandu rail; the 762MW Tamor hydroelectricity project; the 426MW Phuket Karnali hydro. With all of these initiatives on the horizon, the necessity to complete these projects must be the primary strategy for attracting finance and technology. Not only will state participation be vital for Nepal's overall development under the BRI concept of collaboration, but so will social involvement. To obtain significant benefits from BRI involvement, Nepal must solve local, geopolitical, and cultural issues. It will be critical to invest in ground-level projects targeted at improving the living standards of the people. Researching collaborative academic potential to construct a green inclusive corridor can be a necessary step in this approach. Nepal should have issued a precise proposal outlining the percentage of costs it would bear and the sum of funds it anticipates from China in the form of grants or low-interest loans. The MCC Truth MCC is one of the greatest grants received by Nepal from any government or agency in its history. MCC grant is not in the best interest of Nepal because of the following reasons:  a) This agreement allows for the involvement of US military units in Nepal, resulting in a similar scenario to that of Afghanistan; b) It undermines Nepal's sovereignty/integrity; c) The US wants to fulfill its vested interest by requiring this agreement to be approved by the parliament; and d) It needs Nepal to acquire explicit permission from India before implementing the project. Also, Article 5.1 of the agreement also states that if the MCC fund is discovered to be utilized or employed for helping military and police activities in Nepal, the United States government has the power to terminate this agreement. MCC is a component of the United States' Indo-Pacific Strategy, which includes military components geared at opposing China, a friendly neighbor. According to the MCC agreement, it states that provisions in the compact will take precedence over Nepal's current laws in the event of a conflict, which requires parliamentary confirmation. The MCC is the first grant agreement that must be approved by Parliament which makes it more controversial. Friends of Silk Road is a regional organization consisting of Bangladesh, Malaysia, Nepal and Pakistan, Thailand, Sri Lanka and others. The objective of the FOSR is to promote cooperation between the countries in various spheres including trade and investment and discuss issues such as economic development strategies and youth policies in different fields. “Friends of Silk Road- Nepal '' is an initiative that brings people’s platform bringing together different segments of society. FOSR- Nepal started with representatives from communities, politicians, the media, commercial and opinion leaders, youth and women, professionals and civil society, learners and academics. The forum aimed to provide a deeper understanding as well as information about the advantages of the rewards of development and growth afforded by the multiple opportunities originating from the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. China's BRI has already started to invest in smaller South Asian countries like Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives while MCC is also targeting these same countries for infrastructure and networking initiatives. With a total population of 2.5 billion people, South Asia is a lucrative market to invest in and participate in. One-fifth of the South Asian population are youth aged between 14-24 years. Hence, BRI has tremendous economic potential in South Asia. Nepal should commit to a non-alignment foreign policy, promote BRI, by protecting national interests by focusing on transparency and liability. It is prudent for Nepal to accept grants and Foreign Direct Investment, but only in key areas, in order to promote productivity, the environment, social coordination, employment, and long-term development. Politicians and officials are concerned about what India will think if Nepal pursues the BRI projects. With geopolitical pressure mounting, the political leadership has remained hesitant to move the BRI forward. To move ahead, the Belt and Road Initiative necessitates a strong political will. Nepal must clearly define its goals in terms of which sectors take international loans, which accept only international grants, and which take soft loans or subsidized loans.

Ratopati English मंसिर २०७८

US engagement in Nepal to grow, with or without MCC

Over the past few years there have been visible changes in US policy towards South Asia, including Nepal, as US officials seem to increasingly separate India from the rest of South Asia in their policy engagements

Annapurna Express कार्तिक २०७८

South Asia after US exit from Afghanistan

Noam Chomsky at the webinar 20 Years After 9/11: Impact on South Asia and South Asians organised by Sapan this week. Prominent American author and activist Noam Chomsky has urged the United States and India to engage with the Taliban, work towards overcoming differences with other regional powers, and help the Afghan people. Rather than […]

Nepali Times भाद्र २०७८

The eagle droppings

Contrary to the popularly purveyed plot that the US works in tandem with India, Washington has always treated Kathmandu as important observation post in South Asia in its own right

Republica भाद्र २०७४

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