Ukraine war: North Korea supplying Russia with weapons, say US reports

SEPT 6: According to declassified intelligence obtained by the New York Times, Russia has bought millions of artillery shells and rockets from Pyongyang. A US official said Russia would be forced to buy additional North Korean weaponry as the war dragged on. Last week, Moscow reportedly received its first order of new Iranian drones. Iran and North Korea, both the targets of significant Western sanctions, have sought to deepen ties with Russia since President Vladimir Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine in February. Kim Jong-un's regime has blamed the US for the conflict and accused the West of pursuing a "hegemonic policy" that justified Russia's use of force. Last month, North Korea recognised the independence of Russia's two proxy statelets in eastern Ukraine - the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics - and vowed to deepen its "comradely friendship" with Moscow. Russia's Vladimir Putin said the two countries would expand their "comprehensive and constructive bilateral relations", according to Pyongyang state media. The exact size and scale of the new weapons deliveries revealed by the report remain unclear. But a US official told the Associated Press that turning to North Korea for support demonstrated that "the Russian military continues to suffer from severe supply shortages in Ukraine, due in part to export controls and sanctions". Broad economic sanctions have done little to damage Russia's income from energy exports, according to Finnish think tank the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air. It estimates Russia has made €158bn (£136bn) from surging fossil fuel prices during the six-month invasion, with EU imports accounting for more than half of that. However, US and EU believes that Moscow's ability to resupply its military has been impaired. Last week, officials in the Biden administration told US media that the first shipments of Iranian-made drones had also been delivered to Russia. US intelligence officers believe that Russian operators have travelled to Iran to receive training on the Mohajer-6 and Shahed series weapons. But they told reporters recently that many of the drones had been beset by mechanical and technical problems since delivery. Iran has officially denied delivering weapons to either side of the conflict, but in July US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said Tehran was planning to supply Moscow with potentially hundreds of drones for its war in Ukraine, some with combat capabilities. On Tuesday, UK defence officials said in a daily update that Russia was struggling to maintain its supply of battlefield drones in the face of significant "combat losses". "It is likely that Russia is struggling to maintain stocks of UAVs [unmanned aerial vehicles], exacerbated by component shortages resulting from international sanctions," the update said. "The limited availability of reconnaissance UAVs is likely degrading commanders' tactical situational awareness and increasingly hampering Russian operations," officials added.

पूर्ण विवरण

सम्बन्धित सामग्री

G20 in Bali: Trouble in paradise as leaders gather

Nov 12: But this week the Indonesian island is hosting what could well be the most strained edition of the G20, or Group of 20 nations. The annual summit - which includes 19 advanced and emerging economies and the EU - was created after the Asian financial crisis in 1999. And it considers itself something of a superpowers club that manages future crises. And this time, there are plenty on the discussion block - the Russia-Ukraine war, brewing US-China tensions, soaring inflation, the ever-looming threat of a global recession, nuclear threats from North Korea, and perhaps most alarming of all, a rapidly warming earth. Amid all this, host and Indonesian President Joko Widodo hopes to play chief dealmaker. Can he do it? An era of living dangerously When we spoke ahead of the G20 meeting, Mr Widodo seemed sanguine about what has been described as the most diplomatically delicate and stressful G20 ever. US President Joe Biden and China's leader Xi Jinping are set to meet on Monday - and the clash of the world's two largest economies has Mr Widodo worried. "There can be no peace without dialogue," he told me in an exclusive interview at the presidential palace in Jakarta. "If President Xi Jinping and President Joe Biden can meet and talk, it would be very good for the world, especially if they are able to come to an agreement about how to help the world recover." Like many Asian countries, Indonesia has benefited from decades of free trade and multilateralism. The US has always been Indonesia's most important global strategic partner, but over the last decade, China has consistently ranked as one of its top two foreign investors. That's made navigating the relationship between the two giants tricky, to say the least. An era in which China and the US aren't getting along is a far more dangerous one than Indonesia and other Asian countries have been accustomed to. Observers say that that growing tensions between Washington and Beijing increase the risk of conflict in the Indo-Pacific. Meanwhile there are also fears of the possible use of nuclear weapons, either in Ukraine or on the Korean peninsula, where Pyongyang has fired a record number of missiles this year. "The use of nuclear weapons for any reason, cannot be tolerated," Mr Widodo, also known as Jokowi, says. "The increasing potential for nuclear use is… very dangerous for peace and for world stability." Getting people to talk A key issue for Mr Jokowi personally has been food security - particularly as the war in Ukraine has been responsible, in his view, for rising prices, something that directly impacts Indonesia's 275 million people. He politely termed Russia's invasion of Ukraine a "headache", something that has been "taking up his mind". Securing a steady and consistent resumption of grain exports is one of the reasons why - ahead of the meeting - he's crisscrossed the globe, meeting with Presidents Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky to convince them to come to the meeting. He had hoped they could talk. "I think it would be great if they [Presidents Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky] could sit at the same table - to solve the problems that exist, because the problems that we are dealing with now are on all fronts," Mr Widodo said. Mr Putin is not coming, Russian diplomats have since said, but Mr Zelensky could attend virtually. Jokowi's swansong The G20 is as much Indonesia's coming out party as it is Mr Widodo's swansong - he is in the final stretch of his presidency, and in 2024 he will have to stand down after two terms in power. When I first met him in 2012, as the then Jakarta governor he was a younger and more idealistic. Branded the first "outsider" to become president in Indonesia's history, he was elected as a man of the people, a democrat's democrat. Since then he's had to govern a vast archipelago of 17,000 islands, a country that from west to east stretches the distance between London and Baghdad, with hundreds of different languages and ethnicities in between. It's a challenge I've written about before and over the last few years I've seen Jokowi, man of the people, transform into Jokowi the president. Now a pragmatist, he's become a coalition-builder; someone who knows he has to compromise to not just survive but also thrive. Critics say he is no longer the democrat he used to be. Human rights groups and environmental campaigners have both said that he has consistently put the economy ahead of democratic interests. Although he remains extremely popular by international standards, his approval ratings have fallen recently, partly because of rising prices. Yet the country has weathered the current economic slowdown better than others, described by the International Monetary Fund as a "good performer" among regional economies. It is obvious Mr Widodo is keen to preserve and grow the economic legacy he is leaving behind for Indonesia. "What we would like to see in 2045 is that Indonesia's golden era will truly be realised," he says towards the end of our conversation. "By 2030, we expect Indonesia to become the number seven economy in the world." It is a lofty ambition, and one that will resonate with many of his citizens. But it's also one that may be out of his hands. Indonesia's future depends on a stable global economic environment - something Mr Widodo hopes to come closer to securing at next week's G20 summit.

Ratopati English आश्विन २०७९

Ukraine war: UN General Assembly condemns Russia annexation

Oct 13: The United Nations General Assembly has voted overwhelmingly to condemn Russia's attempts to annex four regions of Ukraine. The resolution was supported by 143 countries, while 35 states - including China and India - abstained. As well as Russia, four countries rejected the vote, namely Belarus, North Korea, Syria and Nicaragua. Although symbolic, it was the highest number of votes against Russia since the invasion. Last week, in a grand ceremony in the Kremlin, President Vladimir Putin signed documents to make the eastern Ukrainian regions of Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson part of Russia. The agreements were signed with the Moscow-installed leaders of the four regions, and came after self-proclaimed referendums in the areas that were denounced as a "sham" by the West. The resolution calls on the international community not to recognise any of Russia's annexation claim and demands its "immediate reversal". It welcomes and "expresses its strong support" for efforts to de-escalate the conflict through negotiation. Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky said he was grateful to the countries that supported it. "The world had its say - [Russia's] attempts at annexation is worthless and will never be recognised by free nations," he tweeted, adding that Ukraine would "return all its lands". US President Joe Biden said the vote sent a "clear message" to Moscow. "The stakes of this conflict are clear to all, and the world has sent a clear message in response - Russia cannot erase a sovereign state from the map," he said. Dame Barbara Woodward, Britain's ambassador to the UN, said Russia had failed on the battlefield and at the UN, adding that countries had united to defend the world body's charter. "Russia has isolated itself, but Russia alone can stop the suffering. The time to end the war is now," she said. The General Assembly vote was triggered after Russia used its veto power to prevent action at the Security Council - the body in charge of maintaining international peace and security. As permanent members, China, the United States, France and the United Kingdom also hold vetoes on the council. There have been calls for Russia to be stripped of its veto power after the Ukraine invasion.

Ratopati English भाद्र २०७९

2+2 talks: How India and US agreed to differ on Ukraine war

APRIL 12: Days before their meeting, Mr Biden had called India's stand "somewhat shaky" and one US official had warned that India had been informed that the consequences of a "more explicit strategic alignment" with Moscow would be "significant and long-term". But India stood firm in its stand despite what appeared to be growing pressure from the US. Delhi continued to promote dialogue to end the war. It didn't criticise Russia directly but chose some strong words about the need to respect the sovereignty of each nation. In that backdrop, the leaders' summit - which was not planned and was requested by the White House - is significant for geopolitical developments. It was followed by the planned annual 2+2 Dialogue between Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and their US counterparts Antony Blinken and Lloyd Austin in Washington. It's evident from the statements that both sides have shown willingness to understand each other's positions on Ukraine. Pratyush Rao, director for South Asia at Control Risks consultancy, said the visit came at a sensitive time for the relationship. "This was a visible reaffirmation at the highest levels by both sides to the bilateral relationship, amidst all the media speculation about deepening strains over the Ukraine conflict. The message was, yes we do differ on Russia and will unlikely bridge the gap, but won't allow it to derail wider co-operation in the Indo-Pacific either," he added. While PM Modi and his ministers reaffirmed their stated policy of non-alignment on Ukraine, Mr Biden and his ministers appeared more understanding of Delhi's position - a marked shift from some earlier strong statements of Washington officials. Mr Blinken said India "has to make its own decisions about how it approaches this challenge". He also noted that India had issued strong statements at the UN and it had called for an independent investigation into the killings of civilians in Ukraine's Bucha. In a candid remark, he said "India's relationship with Russia has developed over decades at a time when the United States was not able to be a partner to India". He added that "times have changed" and the US was willing to be a partner of choice with India across virtually every realm - commerce, technology, education, and security. Former Indian diplomat Anil Triguniyat said this statement showed that the US has understood India's position in a broader geopolitical context. "Both sides have too much to lose if the bilateral relations are strained. Their relationship is rich and the meetings just reaffirmed that," he added. Beyond Ukraine, the two sides also reaffirmed their commitment in continuing co-operation in the Indo-Pacific, and also in the trade, defence and security sectors. The US said it saw India as "a net provider of security in the region". "China is seeking to refashion the region and the international system more broadly in ways that serve its interests," Mr Blinken said. Both the US and India agree on playing a bigger role in the region to counterbalance China's growing influence. India has a long disputed boundary with China. Their troops were involved in deadly clashes in the Galwan valley in 2020 that resulted in the deaths of 20 Indian soldiers. China said later it lost four troops in the clash. Mr Jaishankar acknowledged that the Quad - which includes India, the US, Japan and Australia - had emerged as "a powerful force for global good" and its "elevation benefits the entire Indo-Pacific". Mr Rao said India reposing its faith in the Quad was significant. Russia, India's time-tested ally, has criticised the Quad and called it a forum to target China. Both Moscow and Beijing have become closer and often jointly taken stands against the West. In that context, Mr Rao said that the Indian foreign minister's public and unequivocal endorsement of the Quad was important and will likely resonate among his audience in Washington. Defence ties Washington also acknowledged that Russia is India's biggest defence supplier - accounting for more than 50% of its imports. In contrast, the US was India's second-largest supplier between 2011 and 2015 after Russia, but fell behind France and Israel in the period between 2016 and 2021. Former Indian diplomat JN Misra said India continued to import from Russia because it got better and cheaper deals and tech know-how in some areas. "The US needs to give commitment on technology transfer to be able to get a bigger chunk of India's defence imports pie," he said. Defence Minister Singh talked about PM Modi's "Make in India" campaign and invited US defence companies to set up shop in India. But there hasn't been any big-ticket announcement on this. However, a significant measure was announced about the two countries jointly developing air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles. "More such measures are needed to address India's defence needs and help it in reducing its reliance on Moscow," Mr Misra added. But the crucial issue of India's acquisition of Russia's S-400 missile defence system remains unsolved. The purchase has come under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (Caatsa), which was introduced in 2017 to target Russia, Iran and North Korea with economic and political sanctions. It also prohibits any country from signing defence deals with these nations. Mr Blinken said the "US had not made a determination regarding potential sanctions or potential waivers under the CAATSA law". There was also a veiled suggestion to India when Mr Blinken said the US was asking countries to avoid major new transactions for Russian weapons systems. Mr Triguniyat says the ambiguity over the S-400 showed that the US wanted to keep its options open but it doesn't want to rock the boat at the moment. It's clear that there is a lot more ground to cover for the US to replace Moscow as India's largest defence supplier. Meanwhile, Mr Blinken also talked about India's human rights record, saying the US was "monitoring some recent concerning developments in India, including a rise in human rights abuses by some government, police, and prison officials". The Indian ministers didn't respond to this but analysts say Democrats, including former president Obama, have raised such issues in the past. The statement may have caused discomfort to Indians but analysts say its unlikely that the issue will become a major irritant in the relationship. Energy and trade Indian companies have been trying to circumvent sanctions to take advantage of the discounted oil prices being offered by Russian firms. When this question was put to Mr Jaishankar, he denied that India was ramping up its oil imports from Russia. "I suspect, looking at the figures, probably our total purchases [from Russia] for the month would be less than what Europe does in an afternoon. So you might want to think about that," he said. The US has steadily increased its export of crude oil and refined petroleum products to India - accounting for 15% of India-US trade, which stood at $113bn in 2021. The two countries believe that there is vast potential to take the bilateral trade to $500bn in the future. The two sides announced a series of measures, including restarting the US-India Commercial Dialogue and the US-India CEO Forum, to improve trade ties. With inputs from BBC

Ratopati English फाल्गुन २०७८